THE POWER TO COUNTER RACISM

Joe Wilson’s rebuke was hardly partisan overkill but rather a momentous event in the history of Congress.

Race unquestionably factored into Wilson’s disruption of President Obama’s address before a joint session of Congress, held in the House of Representatives chamber. The first president ever to be told “you lie” at such an occasion is partly black, and many people who rallied around Wilson, a white Republican, were driven by racial bias and refusal to accept an African-American as president. We cannot read Wilson’s mind, but maybe on some level he feels some prejudice.

African-Americans were subjugated for centuries because of the power white society held over them, and those who sought to free the slaves or later end the Jim Crow laws were punished for their good deeds. Since black Americans can now engage in politics on an even playing field, House members like Rep. James E. Clyburn employed their power to punish Wilson’s conduct.

Clyburn carried out a solemn responsibility when he led the drive to rebuke Wilson. Here was a black man who could use the system to advocate for himself, the black community and anyone who believes in justice. Clyburn and the other black House members received plenty of help to accomplish this; the Sept. 15 vote was 240 to 179. It was impressive that the House acted six days after Wilson told Obama “you lie” when the president said to Congress that illegal immigrants will not receive free health care.

Interestingly, Clyburn holds the title of House Majority Whip and represents a district that adjoins Wilson’s district in and around Columbia, S.C.

Wilson apologized to the president, but Clyburn and other House Democrats deemed it crucial that he apologize to the House itself because his behavior violated House rules and reflected on the House as an institution. The silence of House members would have meant assent.

Wilson displayed his arrogance by refusing to apologize in the well of the House, on grounds that he had already apologized to Obama. It did not matter that telling his colleagues he was sorry would have restored honor to the House. He must have regarded such an act as humiliation that Democrats wanted to impose on him.

Clyburn’s feat constitutes a significant episode in history. He made a formal statement to reclaim a sense of psychic dignity for every black man and woman who labored in the fields, felt a whip cracked across their back, was lynched by a white mob or assaulted for the legal act of registering to vote. He also validated the endeavors of those who tried to end slavery and marched with the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, which often required courage.

This resolution especially honored the extensive efforts of Massachusetts Sen. Charles Sumner to end slavery. He was severely injured when Rep. Preston Brooks repeatedly struck Sumner at his Senate desk in 1856 partly because of his abolitionist stands. Like Wilson, Brooks represented a district in South Carolina and, like Obama, Sumner was a Harvard-trained attorney.

The measure also sent a message to opponents of health-care reform and other progressive policies. Yes, they can express their opinions, but disruptive behavior will not be tolerated.

As a caveat, these people are driven far more by issues than concerns over Obama’s race. They would not lay off a white male who pushed a similar agenda, and I cannot imagine anyone calling a President Colin Powell a liar as he addressed Congress, even if he richly deserves it. What we have is the combination of having a black person in the Oval Office who happens to be, as they say, quite uppity.

On that note, the Clyburn resolution sent this stern message to anyone who cannot accept an African-American, or at least an uppity one, as president: Get used to it.